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Key to Get Overseas Scholarship

Maybe, this question not only happened to me, but also to those who had managed to study outside of the other hemisphere, mainly because they got scholarships.

HOW COME? HOW TO?

Some may feel this question is very frustrating because, hey, if you really want to know, you can actually find information yourself on Google without asking me. But no, I myself might be among those who have asked the same question. Even though the process is clear and certain, that is seeking information, registering, completing requirements, praying, and waiting for the results. However, this question repeatedly popped into his head. Because to be honest, sometimes I am still surprised and half do not believe I can get a Fulbright scholarship to America, at one of the universities that I think is quite prestigious, namely the University of Arizona. Bear Down!

I personally feel lucky, but many also encourage me that it is not just luck, but also because of my struggles and my parents’ prayers. When I got this scholarship, I was not at an ambitious stage like when I was in college, where I was obsessed with getting the best grades and graduating as the best.

When applying for this scholarship, I surrendered, I was serious and tried my best, so if it didn’t work, I wouldn’t be too disappointed because at least I tried. However, then I realized, it was also the accumulation of my efforts during school and work, which at first was not to create a good CV in order to get a scholarship. In fact, when applying for a job or scholarship, the footprint will be taken into account as well. How serious have you been in studying or working before, so that you are entitled to this scholarship? How responsible are you going to school and previous work so you definitely won’t abuse this scholarship?

I dare say this because I have proven it. I don’t feel so smart that I can go to America. I used to dream of traveling around the world, but I felt it was only limited to wishful thinking. I remember also praying that I would be given the opportunity to go abroad even though I did not really feel the purpose. But it did come true.

I am just an ordinary Indonesian child who comes from a village that may not have an echo. My parents are just ordinary small farmers. Not even one in my family is an office employee, or a civil servant. I am the first generation to continue schooling to junior high, high school and college. Maybe that’s why I really meant it because I didn’t want my parents to go to waste. However, I myself feel that my thinking, even today, is very narrow because my world is small, and I only accept what is presented to me, a thought that I am still trying to change. So if some people feel I am humble, that is not entirely true, because I really do not have anything to boast about. When I was in school when I was a champion or when I got a good GPA, I knew I could take responsibility for it, because I really learned, tried and did not just relax, let alone cheat to get the value ‘A’. Everything comes with a price, I don’t think so because it’s really smart from the sononya. So, this is what I want you to think:

ALREADY TURNED AND HONEST YOU WHAT ARE YOU DOING NOW?

Being able to study in America is indeed a gift for me, especially I have had the opportunity to channel my ‘mbolang’ hobby to beautiful places. I can feel myself playing snow in the winter, staring at the leaves on trees that change color in the fall, all that is not in my country, Indonesia. But what I get is more than that. To America with scholarships, not only about mutual understanding between America and our culture, but furthermore: it’s about the world!

I met many people from across continents with different backgrounds. The interesting thing is that I can exchange ideas with them and sometimes I am amazed by the way they have never been in my mind. I became aware of their culture and instead of judging it, it made me understand, understand and appreciate them more. So actually going to America (or other countries) is not merely to check in at a different place, more than that is to open our minds.

THAT’S BECAUSE WHEN YOU KNOW MORE, YOU’LL UNDERSTAND MORE, AND BECOME WISER AND LESS JUDGMENTAL.

Another thing I like about studying in America is that I know how it feels to be a minority. As a Muslim, I belong to the majority group in Indonesia. Even though I have always had good relations with friends who are of different religions, being a minority in that country is very challenging. At first I was worried that there would be many people who disliked me, especially because I was wearing a hijab, my Islamic identity was very visible. We ourselves often hear a lot of media preaching the bad image of Islam in the world. Guess what, so far, Alhamdulillah, I feel safe and calm. I met many people who were very kind and friendly to me. They are very appreciative and always ready to help me. I feel protected. I think, maybe a minority group in Indonesia feels the same happiness when we respect and respect differences. And maybe, they feel the same fear and worry when we try to cheat their rights. My previous concerns were natural, but I didn’t need to worry too much, because in this life the basic principle is:

YOU TREAT PEOPLE WELL, THEY TREAT YOU WELL. IF YOU TREAT THEM WELL BUT THEY TREAT YOU BADLY, THEN THE PROBLEM IS WITH THEM, NOT YOU.

Aside from meeting with Americans and friends from other countries, I certainly also met with fellow practitioners from Indonesia who were not all under the auspices of the Fulbright, but different scholarship programs. I became embarrassed because I did not know about the programs before.

It turned out that the scholarship opportunity was far more than I expected. And this limited information is still a problem for parts of Indonesia. Even though there are many scholarship opportunities, not all of them have equal access to the information and not all are used to finding out for themselves.

It is not intended to indulge in the types of people who still like to be “fed” with this kind of information, but everyone needs different time to open their minds before they can be independent. It would be better if the school or the existing ranks expose as much information as possible about scholarships to students or students while training them to find information independently. Sometimes they don’t try not because they are afraid they don’t succeed, but precisely because they don’t know that they have the opportunity to try. And if they don’t find out, maybe because they are not familiar with things outside of what is being served to them. It’s our job to change this. Give them exposure to the opportunities, train them to look for this opportunity, and if one or two people succeed, we can hope that it can inspire and motivate others, not just in big cities or places, but we also need to show opportunities the same in other small or remote cities.

And if in the end there are those who are afraid to try even though they already know the opportunity, even though luck and external factors also contribute to our success / failure, we will never know if we don’t try.

If I’m not trying to apply for this scholarship, I’m 100% definitely not going to get it right? If I don’t try, the probability is only 1: I failed. By trying, you have two possibilities: succeed and fail. And you can keep trying, praying, and don’t forget to ask your parents’ blessing.

SO, GIVE IT A TRY! IF YOU WANT IT, DOING START SOMETHING ABOUT IT!

I hope that this writing rattles me has benefits. And I hope my writing will be read by my younger siblings in my school first or in other schools.

IF I CAN, THEY HAVE THE SAME OPPORTUNITY.

Expertise That Needs a Student to Have

What is the lecture like? What is certain is that lecture life is of course very different from the life of high school. Starting from the style of the lecturer delivering lessons, completing assignments, participating in class and finding new friends, all are new experiences for a student who is just starting his steps as a student.

Steven Schwartz from The Guardian explained some of the skills students need to have to adjust to university life. Sometimes there are those who already have these skills but do not have the opportunity to show them so that they are not aware of their own potential. There are also some who while living university life have the opportunity to hone these skills. Yes, college is indeed the right time to look for and shape our own identity.

So what are some important skills for a student to have in order to achieve the best in college?

1. Flexible

Open minded is important. During college, especially abroad, of course we will see many differences of opinion and habits of life. That is a natural thing, because a different background will certainly affect the way of thinking and habits of one’s life. Considering that difference is something wrong is not the right step. It would be better to take advantage of this unique opportunity to get to know the culture and habits of fellow students from other countries and mingle with them. Thus you have one of the criteria that the company is interested in.

2. Never Surrender

Maybe some students face difficulties at the beginning of college. But don’t give up quickly. It’s natural to face culture shock, homesick, panic can’t take lessons and more. Relax, foreign universities always provide support services for international students. Starting from the place of consultation to counselors to help students take lessons. So when you find a problem, talk and seek help. After that maybe you will feel, actually this problem is not as big as I thought.

3. Can adjust

The more we mature, adjusting to the situation is very important. As children, maybe people around us still give understanding and yield. But this is not valid during college. For example, you are afraid to make a presentation in public. The lecturer will probably understand, but to get value, you still have to present well. The solution is to go to a student support center at the university. There they will give input and train you. One of the supervisors there is probably your senior who also used to have a feeling of insecurity to speak in public places. College is the time to get out of your comfort zone. Always don’t be afraid to talk about the problem at hand and ask for help. The student support center is there because the university understands naturally new students face discomfort with their new life. What is important, students want to try to find solutions.

4. Become a good member of the group

In college there are many tasks that must be completed in groups. Not because this task cannot be resolved on its own, but the lecturers do want to practice the ability to work in groups of students, where they can divide tasks, complete responsibilities, and more importantly, learn to be flexible and be able to overcome differences between group members. This group work is also a good opportunity to bring students closer to each other.

5. Technology Literacy

The university is full of sophisticated IT facilities. Because technology does make life easier for today’s society. So you should follow the times. At least make sure you know the software, applications or gadgets that are trending among students or in fields that are relevant to your studies.

6. Can read the situation

Wise people can read the situation, so they can teach or even lead. Whereas people who are not aware of what is happening can only follow. This ability will be very valuable when entering the real world: the world of work, where the boss or the people around us will not clearly tell us what we should do. So it must be smart to read the situation.

7. Learning without limits

During college grades are certainly important. But what is meant by learning here is not just knowledge but also other interpersonal skills. Science is limitless, so is the world we live in now. Change is always there, so we must stay alert and learn so we don’t miss it.

8. Take advantage of opportunities

For some people, what is important in college is pursuing value, so that you can get a certificate with good grades. But there are also people who use college to make friends, enjoy social life as a student. Some others understand that lecture is a preparation for entering the workforce, so that this time is well utilized to establish connections, both with lecturers, or with superiors during internships, so that later it is easier to find work. Which do you include?

Want to get out of your comfort zone immediately? Start by looking for a study program abroad that suits your interests and talents.

Don’t forget, i-Apply is always there if you need consultation about deciding majors, choosing a destination for college or other registration assistance.

Execution of Manuel Dorrego

By Ernesto Palacio (historian)

At the beginning of 1827, the brilliant victory of our arms in the war in Brazil had taken place, following the usurpation of the Banda Oriental: on 9 February, Admiral Brown had defeated the imperial fleet in the Juncal and on the 20th same month Alvear did the same thing-on land-in Ituzaingó. The Brazilian forces were undone, demoralized and in full dispersion. But this page of glory would be stained by one of the greatest shame the nation has suffered: when the general in chief requested reinforcements and horses to Buenos Aires to occupy the province of Rio Grande and march to the capital of the enemy, he was denied. Alvear would not reap the fruits of his victory, the country had given its effort and its blood in vain, because the government of Don Bernardino Rivadavia, at the moment of our triumphant arms, desperately asked for peace! And he asked for the most miserable of reasons: to quell what he called internal anarchy – the rebellious resistance of the interior to the tyranny that arose from the Unitarian twitch – and dispose of the forces of the national army to launch them against their compatriots.

Desiring the clamor of the interior and the claim of patriots such as Pueyrredón, who considered it unseemly to initiate peace negotiations when the toughest conditions could be imposed, President Rivadavia sends to Rio de Janeiro Dr. Manuel J. García with strict instructions to obtain peace. At whatever price. From the outset, as a conciliatory formula, Garcia had no qualms about proposing the independence of the Banda Oriental, according to suggestion received from the English minister Lord Ponsonby – elected as mediator – in charge of the task of pursuing the permanent British intention of obtaining a free port on the River of the Silver. Despite the plight of his armies, the Emperor of Brazil, aware of what was happening in Buenos Aires, did not agree. The fact is that Garcia ended up signing a preliminary convention by which our country recognized the rights of the Emperor over the Eastern Band and accepted the incorporation into the Empire of the Cisplatina province. Complete victors in the war, defeated complete in peace!

Happily, the reaction of the public spirit throughout the country, even in Buenos Aires, was violent and unanimous. Well-known the terms of the agreement, the town was thrown to the street, angry, in tumult. Rivadavia had to present the resignation, which was immediately accepted by Congress, and tried to institute in “emissary goat” Minister Garcia, declaring that he had exceeded in fulfilling his mission. But he did not deceive anyone, not even in his own party, which made him an immediate void.

The Congress elected a provisional president in the person of Vicente López, who appointed Juan Manuel de Rosas as general commander of the campaign and convened in a month the election of representatives to the Legislature of Buenos Aires, resulting in a large federal majority. Colonel Manuel Dorrego was elected governor. Meanwhile, the first squads of the national army that returned from the campaign against Brazil begin to arrive in Buenos Aires. Through the streets of the city the parade is followed with excitement as well as with regret for the failing state of the troop, who arrives with his uniform in tatters. Some think that after the military triumphs against Brazil, the struggle would have to continue; others that “the troops did not have to cover themselves but tatters and the soldiers lacked even grass and tobacco”. Dorrego appoints General Alvear to Lavalleja, who will continue with the favorable actions.

The coffers of Buenos Aires were exhausted. The Rivadavia administration had been ruinous and had exhausted the resources of the State in expenses of mere pageantry and in fighting its political enemies. But the unitary party had been defeated throughout the territory, and federalism was triumphant in the provinces. So the noble Dorrego developed his government with great moderation, without threats or persecution and with his innate and proverbial generosity. He is a brave; his military career has filled him with glory; his boldness and the sight of a born warrior stood out in the patriotic victories of Tucumán and Salta. He appointed ambassadors to treat peace in Rio de Janeiro to the prestigious generals Juan Ramón Balcarce and Tomás Guido, who signed the treaty of August 27, 1828, which recognized the independence of the Banda Oriental under the guarantee of the two signatory powers. The new and painful mutilation of territory was one more episode of the English interventionist policy in the Rio de la Plata, with its long aftermath of wars won and lost peace. On this occasion the Argentine pride tried to satisfy itself with the dubious consolation of having humiliated the Emperor, forcing him to part with the Cisplatina province, which he had sworn to defend to the last drop of his blood.

The restlessness of the government – and the hope of the outbreak of a unitary counter-coup – was based on the return to Buenos Aires of the forces highlighted in the Banda Oriental, who were anarchized by inaction and, above all, by the irregular payment of several months , disgusted by the result of the war and undermined by the active opposition propaganda. But Dorrego did not believe it, because he had a romantic conception of military camaraderie and considered it absurd that his companions in arms and glory, among whom he had so many friends, should rise up against him. When it was announced to him that the leader of the revolutionary coup would be General Juan Lavalle, he did not believe it either, attributing his exalted language to simple bravado. In addition, the governor had just made public the management of the unitary oligarchy, its alliances with English capital, its denunciations against the agiotistas merchants, and knew its total unpopularity in the interior. He believed them defeated forever and that was his mistake: Dorrego did not take Lavalle seriously.

Lavalle, who had won deserved laurels in Chile, in Peru, and in Brazil, was indeed reputed to be as brave as he was of little judgment. He had become notorious for his outbursts, with which he had confronted the Liberator Bolivar himself, and little tolerant in matters of discipline. Esteban Echeverría was going to paint him as “the saber without a head”. He was a typical Buenosairean, capable of the greatest deeds, but of frivolous and voluble background, more paid of the gesture than of the act and the look of being: condemned, in short, to be an instrument of those who knew how to flatter their weaknesses. In Buenos Aires, he had fallen into the hands of the circle of unitary doctors, who had him as a target and whose members he listened to as oracles for the seductive personal destiny they predicted. They had made him believe that Dorrego was the leader of the anarchists who caused all evil, a tyrant who oppressed the people supported by the lowest commoners, and a traitor to the fatherland. How could he not put his sword at the service of civilization, order and virtue?

On November 20, the first division of the Banda Oriental army commanded by General Enrique Martínez arrived in Buenos Aires. Ten days later, Juan Manuel de Rosas sent a message to Governor Dorrego: “The national army arrives demoralized by that lodge that has sold us for a long time.” The next day, December 1, 1828, the pronouncement broke out. The line corps of the army, the entire division of Enrique Martinez, fully uprising, penetrates the Plaza de la Victoria under the command of Juan Lavalle and Olavarría, heroes of the wars of independence and both of the cream of the “center “Buenos Aires. Groups of unitary civilians surround them and cheer, highlighting the somber figure of Dr. Aguero, who served as director of the function. Without strength to resist the line regiments, Dorrego left the Fort through the back door and went to the camp of the Rosas militias in San Vicente.

General Lavalle left in pursuit of the governor with a cavalry regiment. Against the opinion of Rosas, Dorrego decided to wait for him and face him. On December 9 they found themselves in the vicinity of Navarro, where poorly armed gaucho militias were defeated and dispersed by the experienced line troops. While Rosas went north to ask for help from the governor of Santa Fe, Dorrego sought to join Regiment 3 in the vicinity of Areco, under the command of his friend Colonel Angel Pacheco. Pacheco effectively gave him asylum and placed himself at his orders, but the commanders Acha and Escribano mutinied the troop, captured Dorrego and took him to the Capital. On the way they were ordered to change course and take the prisoner to Navarro’s camp where Lavalle was.

Dorrego asked Lavalle for guarantees for himself and a safe conduct to go abroad. But the unitary lodge had decided that it must die. Thus they hurried to remind the general of the letters written by the doctors to counteract the requests for clemency or a possible faintness of the will. “No half measures,” said Juan Cruz Varela, while rejoicing in El Pampero: “Low people no longer dominates, and the kitchen will return.” “You have to cut the first head of the hydra,” said Agüero. Salvador Maria del Carril, more categorical, referred: “I speak of the execution of Dorrego. We have agreed before now. The time has come to execute it. (…) A revolution is a game of chance where you earn the life of the vanquished. ”

One hundred and seventy-eight years ago today, on December 13, 1828, the prisoner Dorrego arrived at Navarro’s camp, and was informed that he would be shot in one hour. Lavalle did not want to-or could not-see it.

The journalist and historian José Manuel de Estrada (1842-1894), a lucid intellectual of the second half of the 19th century, wrote about the martyrdom of Manuel Dorrego: “He was an apostle and not of those who rise up in the midst of prosperity and of the guarantees, but an apostle of the tremendous crises. He stepped into the green countryside turned into a scaffold, teaching his fellow citizens clemency and fraternity, and leaving his sacrificers the pardon, on a summer day burning like his soul, and over which the night began to cast its veil of darkness, as death was about to cast its veil of mystery on him.

He let himself be killed with the sweetness of a child; he, who had all the volcanoes of passion inside his chest. He knew how to live like heroes and die like martyrs. ”

In the face of popular disqualification, the Decembrist coup failed completely and had to resort to a ferocious tyranny that, in those same days, San Martin failed in his return to the country. Refusing to disembark in February 1829, he rejected the role of “executioner of my fellow citizens,” while Lavalle and his veteran troops were defeated on April 25 at Puente de Marquez by the militias of Estanislao Lopez and Rosas. But there would be so many crimes of that tragic year of 1829, which is the only one in the demography of Buenos Aires where deaths exceeded births: there were 4,658 deaths, when in 1827 there were 1,904 and in 1828, 1,788. The expression “unitary savages” that then became popular was not at all whimsical.
The execution of Dorrego turned Juan Manuel de Rosas into the undisputed head of the federals, for a quarter of a century. To his foresight and tact was the unitary defeat and the consequent federal victory, when he became the acclaimed hero of the popular classes.

Of course, the shooting also inaugurated a very long period of civil wars that for decades was going to shower the Argentine territory with blood and mourning.

Spanish version:

Por Ernesto Palacio (historiador)

A principios de 1827 se había producido la brillante victoria de nuestras armas en la guerra del Brasil, a raíz de la usurpación de la Banda Oriental: el 9 de febrero el almirante Brown había derrotado a la escuadra imperial en el Juncal y el día 20 del mismo mes Alvear hizo lo propio -en tierra- en Ituzaingó. Las fuerzas brasileñas quedaron deshechas, desmoralizadas y en plena dispersión. Pero esta página de gloria sería manchada por una de las mayores vergüenzas que ha sufrido la nación: cuando el general en jefe solicitó refuerzos y caballadas a Buenos Aires para ocupar la provincia de Río Grande y marchar hasta la capital del enemigo, se le negó. Alvear no cosecharía los frutos de su victoria, la patria había dado su esfuerzo y su sangre en vano, porque el gobierno de don Bernardino Rivadavia, en el momento de nuestras armas triunfantes, ¡pedía desesperadamente la paz! Y la pedía por la más miserable de las razones: para sofocar lo que él llamaba anarquía interna –la resistencia rebelde del interior a la tiranía surgida del manotón unitario- y disponer de las fuerzas del ejército nacional para lanzarlas contra sus compatriotas.

Desoyendo el clamor del interior y el reclamo de patriotas como Pueyrredón, que consideraba indecoroso iniciar gestiones de paz cuando se podían imponer las condiciones más duras, el presidente Rivadavia envía a Río de Janeiro al doctor Manuel J. García con instrucciones rigurosas de obtener la paz a cualquier precio. De entrada, como fórmula conciliadora, García no tuvo reparos en proponer la independencia de la Banda Oriental, según sugestión recibida del ministro inglés Lord Ponsonby –elegido como mediador- encargado de turno de perseguir la permanente intención británica de obtener un puerto franco en el Río de la Plata. No obstante la situación apurada de sus ejércitos, el Emperador del Brasil, enterado de lo que ocurría en Buenos Aires, no accedió. Lo cierto es que García terminó firmando una convención preliminar por la cual nuestro país reconocía los derechos del Emperador sobre la Banda Oriental y aceptaba la incorporación al Imperio de la provincia Cisplatina. ¡Vencedores completos en la guerra, derrotados completos en la paz!

Felizmente, la reacción del espíritu público en todo el país, incluso en Buenos Aires, fue violenta y unánime. Conocidos los términos del convenio, el pueblo se lanzó a la calle, airado, en tumulto. Rivadavia tuvo que presentar la renuncia, que le fue inmediatamente aceptada por el Congreso, e intentó instituir en “chivo emisario” al ministro García, declarando que se había excedido en el cumplimiento de su misión. Pero no logró engañar a nadie, ni siquiera en su propio partido, que le hizo un vacío inmediato.

El Congreso eligió un presidente provisional en la persona de Vicente López, quien designó a Juan Manuel de Rosas comandante general de la campaña y convocó en un mes a elección de representantes a la Legislatura de Buenos Aires, resultando una gran mayoría federal. Fue electo gobernador el coronel Manuel Dorrego. Mientras, comienzan a llegar a Buenos Aires los primeros escuadrones del ejército nacional que regresaban de la campaña contra el Brasil. Por las calles de la ciudad el desfile es seguido con emoción al par que con pena por el estado desfalleciente de la tropa, que arriba con el uniforme hecho jirones. Algunos piensan que después de los triunfos militares obtenidos frente al Brasil habría que seguir la lucha; otros que “la tropa no tenía para cubrirse sino andrajos y los soldados carecían hasta de yerba y de tabaco”. Dorrego nombra en reemplazo del general Alvear a Lavalleja, que continuará con las acciones favorables.

Las arcas de Buenos Aires estaban exhaustas. La administración Rivadavia había sido ruinosa y había agotado los recursos del Estado en gastos de mero boato y en combatir a sus enemigos políticos. Pero el partido unitario había sido derrotado en todo el territorio, y el federalismo se hallaba triunfante en las provincias. Por lo que el noble Dorrego desarrolló su gobierno con gran moderación, sin amenazas ni persecuciones y con su innata y proverbial generosidad. Es un valiente; su carrera militar lo ha llenado de gloria; su arrojo y golpe de vista de guerrero nato se destacaron en las victorias patriotas de Tucumán y Salta. Nombró embajadores para tratar la paz en Río de Janeiro a los prestigiosos generales Juan Ramón Balcarce y Tomás Guido, que suscribieron el tratado del 27 de agosto de 1828 que reconocía la independencia de la Banda Oriental bajo la garantía de las dos potencias signatarias. La nueva y dolorosa mutilación de territorio constituyó un episodio más de la política intervencionista inglesa en el Río de la Plata, con sus largas secuelas de guerras ganadas y paces perdidas. En esta oportunidad el orgullo argentino trató de satisfacerse con el dudoso consuelo de haber humillado al Emperador, obligándolo a desprenderse de la provincia Cisplatina, que había jurado defender hasta la última gota de su sangre.

La inquietud del gobierno –y la esperanza del estallido de un contragolpe unitario- se fundaba en el regreso a Buenos Aires de las fuerzas destacadas en la Banda Oriental, que venían anarquizadas por la inacción y, sobre todo, por el pago irregular de varios meses, disgustadas por el resultado de la guerra y minadas por la activa propaganda opositora. Pero Dorrego no lo creía, porque tenía una concepción romántica de la camaradería militar y consideraba absurdo que se alzaran contra él sus compañeros de armas y de gloria, entre quienes contaba tantos amigos. Cuando se le anunció que el jefe del golpe revolucionario sería el general Juan Lavalle, tampoco lo creyó, atribuyendo a simple bravata su lenguaje exaltado. Además, el gobernador acababa de hacer públicos los manejos de la oligarquía unitaria, sus alianzas con el capital inglés, sus denuncias contra los comerciantes agiotistas, y conocía su total impopularidad en el interior. Los creía derrotados para siempre y ése fue su error: Dorrego no lo tomaba en serio a Lavalle.

Lavalle, que había ganado merecidos laureles en Chile, en Perú y en Brasil, tenía en efecto fama de ser tan valiente como de poco juicio. Se había hecho notorio por sus desplantes, con los que había enfrentado al propio Libertador Bolívar, y poco tolerante en materia de disciplina. Esteban Echeverría lo iba a pintar como “el sable sin cabeza”. Era un típico porteño, capaz de las mayores hazañas, pero de fondo frívolo y voluble, más pagado del gesto que del acto y del parecer que del ser: condenado, en suma, a ser instrumento de quienes supiesen halagar sus debilidades. En Buenos Aires había caído en manos del círculo de los doctores unitarios, que lo tenía como alelado y a cuyos miembros escuchaba como oráculos por el destino personal seductor que le vaticinaban. Ellos le habían hecho creer que Dorrego era el jefe de los anarquistas causantes de todos los males, un tirano que oprimía al pueblo apoyado en la más baja plebe, y un traidor a la patria. ¿Cómo no pondría su espada al servicio de la civilización, el orden y la virtud?

El 20 de noviembre llegó a Buenos Aires la primera división del ejército de la Banda Oriental al mando del general Enrique Martínez. Diez días después Juan Manuel de Rosas manda un aviso al gobernador Dorrego: “El ejército nacional llega desmoralizado por esa logia que desde hace mucho tiempo nos tiene vendidos”. Al día siguiente, 1º de diciembre de 1828, estallaba el pronunciamiento. Los cuerpos de línea del ejército, toda la división de Enrique Martínez, íntegramente sublevada, penetra en la plaza de la Victoria al mando de Juan Lavalle y de Olavarría, héroes de las guerras de la independencia y ambos de la flor y nata del “centro” porteño. Grupos de civiles unitarios los rodean y aclaman, destacándose la sombría figura del doctor Agüero, que hacía las veces de director de la función. Sin fuerzas para resistir a los regimientos de línea, Dorrego abandonó el Fuerte por la puerta trasera y se dirigió al campamento de las milicias de Rosas en San Vicente.

El general Lavalle salió en persecución del gobernador con un regimiento de caballería. Contra la opinión de Rosas, Dorrego decidió esperarlo y hacerle frente. El 9 de diciembre se encontraron en las proximidades de Navarro, donde las milicias de gauchos mal armados fueron derrotadas y dispersas por las experimentadas tropas de línea. Mientras Rosas se dirigió al norte a pedir auxilio al gobernador de Santa Fe, Dorrego buscó incorporarse al Regimiento 3 en las proximidades de Areco, al mando de su amigo el coronel Angel Pacheco. Pacheco efectivamente le dio asilo y se puso a sus órdenes, pero los comandantes Acha y Escribano amotinaron la tropa, apresaron a Dorrego y lo llevaron hacia la Capital. En el camino recibieron orden de cambiar de rumbo y conducir al prisionero al campamento de Navarro donde se hallaba Lavalle.

Dorrego pidió a Lavalle garantías para su persona y un salvoconducto para marchar al extranjero. Pero la logia unitaria había decidido que debía morir. Así se apuraron en recordárselo al general premiosas cartas escritas por los doctores para contrarrestar los pedidos de clemencia o un posible desfallecimiento de la voluntad. “Nada de medias tintas”, decía Juan Cruz Varela, mientras se regocijaba en El Pampero: “La gente baja ya no domina, y a la cocina se volverá”. “Hay que cortar la primera cabeza de la hidra”, afirmaba Agüero. Salvador María del Carril, más categórico, refería: “Hablo del fusilamiento de Dorrego. Hemos estado de acuerdo antes de ahora. Ha llegado el momento de ejecutarlo. (…) Una revolución es un juego de azar donde se gana la vida de los vencidos”.

Hace hoy ciento setenta y ocho años, el día 13 de diciembre de 1828 llegó el prisionero Dorrego al campamento de Navarro, y se le comunicó que sería fusilado en una hora. Lavalle no quiso –o no pudo- verlo.

El periodista e historiador José Manuel de Estrada (1842-1894), un lúcido intelectual de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, escribió sobre el martirio de Manuel Dorrego: “Fue un apóstol y no de los que se alzan en medio de la prosperidad y de las garantías, sino apóstol de las tremendas crisis. Pisó la verde campiña convertida en cadalso, enseñando a sus conciudadanos la clemencia y la fraternidad, y dejando a sus sacrificadores el perdón, en un día de verano ardiente como su alma, y sobre el cual la noche comenzaba a echar su velo de tinieblas, como iba a arrojar sobre él la muerte su velo de misterio.

Se dejó matar con la dulzura de un niño; él, que había tenido dentro del pecho todos los volcanes de la pasión. Supo vivir como los héroes y morir como los mártires”.

Ante la descalificación popular, el golpe decembrista fracasó totalmente y debió recurrir a una feroz tiranía que, en esos mismos días, San Martín reprobó en su retorno al país. Negándose a desembarcar en febrero de 1829, rechazó el papel de “verdugo de mis conciudadanos”, mientras que Lavalle y sus tropas veteranas eran derrotadas el 25 de abril en Puente de Márquez por las milicias de Estanislao López y de Rosas. Pero serían tantos los crímenes de ese año trágico de 1829, que es el único en la demografía de Buenos Aires donde las defunciones superaron a los nacimientos: hubo 4.658 muertes, cuando en 1827 fueron 1.904 y en 1828, 1.788. La expresión “salvajes unitarios” que entonces se popularizó no fue para nada antojadiza.
El fusilamiento de Dorrego convirtió a Juan Manuel de Rosas en el jefe indiscutido de los federales, durante un cuarto de siglo. A su previsión y tacto se debió la derrota unitaria y la consiguiente victoria federal, cuando se convirtió en el héroe aclamado de las clases populares.

Claro que también el fusilamiento inauguró un período larguísimo de guerras civiles que por décadas iba a regar de sangre y luto el territorio argentino.